Category Archives: Africa – International

DR Congo and neighbours to get $1bn in aid from World Bank

BBC

World Bank pledges $1bn for DR Congo and neighbours

Congolese people carrying their children and belongings as they flee conflict (November 2013) Decades of conflict and mismanagement have left most Congolese in poverty

 

The World Bank has unveiled a $1bn (£660m) aid package to help the Democratic Republic of Congo and its neighbours, as fighting continues near the eastern city of Goma.

The money is to be used for health, education, cross-border trade and hydroelectricity projects, it said.

The announcement comes as World Bank head Jim Yong Kim and UN chief Ban Ki-moon start a tour of the region.

One person was killed when a mortar landed in Goma, a UN spokesman said.

Government and M23 rebel forces have been involved in heavy fighting near Goma since Monday, killing 19 people.

The clashes are the first since the M23 pulled out of the city last year under diplomatic pressure.

The UN says it will speed up efforts to deploy a 3,000-strong intervention force to eastern DR Congo to end the latest conflict.

‘Shells and rockets’

Some 800,000 people have fled their homes since the M23 launched its rebellion last May.

Who are the M23 rebels?

Map

  • Named after the 23 March 2009 peace accord which they accuse the government of violating
  • This deal saw them join the army before they took up arms once more in April 2012
  • Also known as the Congolese Revolutionary Army
  • Mostly from minority Tutsi ethnic group
  • Deny being backed by Rwanda and Uganda
  • The UN and US imposed a travel ban and asset freeze in December 2012 on the group’s leader, Sultani Makenga
  • Hit by heavy infighting in February 2013
  • Top commander Bosco Ntaganda surrendered to International Criminal Court in March 2013

The World Bank aid package is to support a peace deal signed in February between DR Congo and its neighbours, some of whom are accused of backing the rebels.

“This funding will help revitalize economic development, create jobs, and improve the lives of people who have suffered for far too long,” Mr Kim in a statement.

The largest tranche of the aid – $340m – will go towards an 80-megawatt hydroelectric project in Rusumo Falls, providing electricity to Burundi, Rwanda and Tanzania.

Despite its vast mineral wealth, decades of conflict and mismanagement mean most Congolese remain stuck in poverty.

The mortar fell in the Goma neighbourhood of Ndosho, killing one person and injuring four, said UN peacekeeping mission spokesman Madnodje Mounoubai, Associated Press news agency reports.

He said he did not know who fired the mortar.

Campaign group Human Rights Watch researcher Ida Sawyer told Reuters news agency that a two-year-old girl died and three members of her family, including a boy and girl, were wounded.

The BBC’s Gabriel Gatehouse in Goma says government and rebel forces have clashed in Mutaho, 10km (6 miles) east of the city for a third day.

Shells and rockets have been fired, he says.

Four government soldiers and 15 rebels were killed in the clashes on Monday, government spokesperson Lambert Mende told the BBC.

Mr Ban is due to visit Goma on Thursday.

The renewed fighting showed the need to speed up the deployment of the intervention brigade so that it would be “fully responsible as soon as possible”, Mr Ban said.

The UN approved the creation of the force – made up of troops from South Africa, Tanzania and Malawi – in March to “neutralise” rebels in DR Congo.

The troops will have the most robust mandate ever given to UN peacekeepers to end conflict, officials say.

Mr Ban and Mr Kim are also due to visit Rwanda and Uganda.

Last year, a UN report accused the two countries of backing the M23, an allegation they denied.

On Monday, Rwandan President Paul Kagame told the BBC that UN troops had “in some cases” made the situation in DR Congo worse.

He said any military effort to bring peace to DR Congo needed to be “properly co-ordinated” with political efforts. bbc

Ghana hopes to shield itself from the African oil curse

Reuters

Traditional dancers perform in front of a model oil rig at a ceremony marking the start of new oil production at Takoradi, Ghana, December 15, 2010. REUTERS/Hereward Holland

Traditional dancers perform in front of a model oil rig at a ceremony marking the start of new oil production at Takoradi, Ghana, December 15, 2010.

Credit: Reuters/Hereward Holland

 

ACCRA (Reuters) – Oil brought riches to Nigeria but also ravaged its economy and fuelled corruption and conflict. Now nearby Ghana has begun production and wants to take the wealth but dodge the oil curse.

Ghana is used to resource riches: it is already the world’s number two cocoa producer and Africa’s second-largest gold miner. But there are signs it is struggling to manage the new oil money and some people are disappointed.

A budget deficit last year which soared to 12 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), nearly twice the targeted level, raised fears among economists of fiscal laxity, a classic symptom of the resource curse that often feeds corruption.

Investors are also watching the strengthening cedi currency. An inflation-adjusted rise due to an influx of petro-dollars can signal “Dutch disease”, where the competitiveness of farming and manufacturing is eroded, as in Holland in the 1960s.

“The government seems to be very much wary of the dangers of Dutch Disease,” central bank governor Henry Kofi Wampah said. “Oil will continue to attract attention but not at the expense of cocoa or gold.”

In Nigeria, agricultural production plummeted in the 1970s and 1980s as oil came to dominate the economy. Some now fear Ghana’s cocoa sector, the largest employer in the country, could be similarly threatened by oil that began flowing in 2010.

The cedi weakened last year as the oil boom fuelled imports but its depreciation has now slowed to below inflation, which stood at 10.6 percent in April, leaving the currency slightly stronger against the dollar year-on-year in real terms.

Ghana, however, has several advantages over its giant neighbor to shield itself from the oil curse, according to senior government officials, economists and watchdog groups.

Not least of these, it is aware of the risks and is trying to avoid the mistakes made by other African states.

FRONTIER MARKET

Ghana, a country of 25 million people that has long lived in Nigeria’s economic shadow, is now one of Africa’s hottest frontier markets. The stock market is up more than 50 percent this year but many ordinary Ghanaians complain about lack of jobs and basic services.

“I’m not seeing any benefit,” said Jennifer Omaboe, a receptionist in Accra. “Those who are really benefiting are those at a high level because they have connections.”

An influx of rural workers hoping for jobs in the capital, has spawned shanty towns and spilled vendors across Accra’s streets, where cranes loom over construction sites and glossy billboards advertise cars and mobile phones.

In March, oil overtook cocoa as a source of government revenue, standing only behind the mining sector in importance in the $39 billion economy. With output at Tullow’s (TLW.L) Jubilee field still ramping up to its plateau level of 120,000 barrels a day, and the nearby TEN field yet to come onstream, oil already contributes 6 percent of state revenue.

Ghana’s cocoa production, meanwhile, is down 11 percent so far this season year-on-year but industry regulator Cocobod blames bad growing weather. It has forecast a total harvest of 800,000 metric tons (881.849 tons) for 2013, second only to neighboring Ivory Coast.

The leaders of Ghana’s cocoa sector say their industry may benefit from the oil flows. The involvement of farmers in the decision-making process, close cooperation with government, and internal checks and balances shield the sector from any policy neglect, they say.

“We all admit that oil is a big thing happening to Ghana now but for us it is a positive development because oil inflows will free more resources for the government to implement new programs to further boost cocoa production,” said Yaw Adu-Ampomah, deputy chief executive of the Ghana Cocoa Board, referring to programs for fertilizers and seedlings.

With rising demand from Asian countries, as higher living standards bring increased chocolate consumption, many industry watchers say global cocoa prices are set to rise in the coming years, making the sector an attractive investment bet.

Moreover, to counteract oil’s effects on the currency and the broader economy, Ghana is channeling 30 percent of tax revenues from petroleum into a stabilization fund to hedge against price fluctuations and a sovereign wealth fund, which contained $72 million in 2012.

“CAUSE FOR OPTIMISM”

Some fear that oil revenues could encourage Ghana to spend unwisely, squandering money on unproductive “white elephant” infrastructure projects or inflationary wage hikes.

In Nigeria, the wash of oil money made the government less dependent on tax revenue and less beholden to its citizens. It encouraged graft as oil-related contracts become an economic honey pot and sparked conflict in the Niger Delta amid anger the region had not benefited from its oil wealth.

“Our problem is no longer money but how to spend it,” General Yakubu Gowon, Nigeria’s military ruler from 1966 to 1975, said in the midst of his country’s oil boom.

Ghana’s advantages start with a strong democratic tradition that pre-dates its discovery of oil.

A series of peaceful electoral transitions of power since 2000 between the ruling National Democratic Congress of President John Mahama and the main opposition have helped empower parliament as a supervisory body of the executive.

A vibrant civil society pressing for better oil industry regulation and accountability is also key.

“There is cause for optimism when you look at Ghana,” said Valerie Marcel, energy expert at the Chatham House think tank.

Ghana set up a National Petroleum Corporation (GNPC) before the 2007 discovery of the Jubilee field, ensuring a reservoir of expertise and a structure to handle regulation and contracts was in place. In 2012, the government established a Ghana National Petroleum Commission to oversee licensing and regulation.

The mandate of the commission is being finalized but experts praise the government’s decision to split the role of oil license holder and license giver into separate institutions.

One danger is that a new law gives the energy minister too much discretion to award contracts, said Mohammed Amin Adam, director of the Africa Center for Energy Policy in Accra.

“We have been talking about transparency but I don’t see the transparency being implemented,” Amin Adam said in an interview.

DANGEROUS EUPHORIA

Poor allocation of revenue can reduce oil’s economic benefits. Nigeria has seen scant improvement in healthcare, education and infrastructure and inequality has deepened, according to Edward Al-Hussainy, analyst at Moody’s ratings agency.

“Ghana benefits from being more open and more transparent than many African peers so it is likely to be a better steward of a commodity windfall,” Al-Hussainy said.

Mahama’s government had promised to channel oil revenues into building new school blocks and improving services, though many Ghanaians complain progress has been slow.

Oil swelled GDP growth to 15 percent in 2011 but may have encouraged the government to spend freely before December’s presidential election, according to some economists. The government denies this.

The budget deficit overshot its target of 6.7 percent in 2012 to stand at 12.1 percent and the government has set lowering it to 9 percent as a key fiscal priority for 2013. Fitch in February downgraded Ghana’s outlook to negative.

Ghana this year also saw public sector pay strikes that raised concerns about wage growth stoking inflation.

Public expectations of oil-fuelled good times carry their own dangers, Nana Osei-Bonsu, director general of the Private Enterprise Federation, said in an interview.

“The euphoria is heightened to the point where we might fail ourselves. People go to sleep arms folded and think of all the glorious things that might happen,” he said.  reuters

Nigeria closes international borders as offensive continues

Daily Trust

Yola — Nigeria’s borders with Cameroon Republic, Niger and Chad have been closed as part of the implementation of the emergency rule imposed by President Goodluck Jonathan, authorities said yesterday.

After Adamawa State Security Council meeting held yesterday in Yola, the state capital, the decision to shut the Adamawa side of the border with Cameroon was announced.

The director of press and public affairs in the office of Governor Murtala Nyako, Alhaji Ahmad Sajo, told Weekly Trust that the closure of the border was part of the emergency rule.

He said the military officials and other security chiefs who met with the Governor informed him of the decision to close the borders.

The director said the governor advised all people of the state to abide by the order and urged the people of Cameroon to also understand the Nigeria’s situation and bear with the decision.

He said Nigerians and Cameroonians have always live peacefully as they are brothers and sisters with common background and ancestry, and as such they would work together to resolve the security challenges.

According to Sajo, the state government is also working with the security chiefs to set up committees that would help maintain cordial relation between the military and civilian population throughout the period of the emergency rule.

The closure of the borders is the latest measure taken in continuation of the emergency rule.

They army had earlier imposed a dusk-to-dawn curfew in Adamawa State, which is still in force.

The people of the state have complained that the curfew is too severe and urged the authorities to relax it.

Dr Umar Ardo a former governorship aspirant in the state said the curfew should be relaxed to start from 8pm to 6am to enable Muslims to be performing their two evenings (Magrib and Isha’i) congregational prayers. daily trust

African regional leaders to boost African military force in CAR

 

Reuters

A soldier from the Seleka rebel alliance prays at the central mosque in Bangui March 29, 2013. REUTERS/Alain Amontchi

A soldier from the Seleka rebel alliance prays at the central mosque in Bangui March 29, 2013.

Credit: Reuters/Alain Amontchi

LIBREVILLE (Reuters) – African military chiefs agreed on Saturday to more than double the size of a regional peacekeeping force deployed in Central African Republic, where authorities have struggled to contain violence after a rebel takeover.

Thousands of fighters from the Seleka rebel coalition led by Michel Djotodia marched into the capital Bangui on March 24, forcing President Francois Bozize to flee to neighbouring Cameroon.

Djotodia, a former civil servant, was later named interim president by parliament and asked to lead the country to elections within 18 months. But his fighters have been accused of grave human rights abuses.

“It is essential today to modify the mandate of the regional force deployed to Central African Republic … It must be reoriented towards maintaining order and securing the election process,” General Guy-Pierre Garcia, from Republic of Congo, told journalists.

The peacekeeping force, known as FOMAC, currently numbers 730 soldiers.

“The size of this force will be increased to 2,000 men,” Garcia said following a meeting of regional army chiefs in Gabon.

Earlier this month, Human Rights Watch accused Seleka fighters of rape, looting and executing opponents – acts it said could constitute war crimes.

Seleka, a grouping of five rebel movements, launched its insurgency in early December, accusing former President Bozize of reneging on a 2007 peace deal.  reuters

UN says Nigerian “extremists” could face war crimes trials

Ah, more Africans arraigned at the ICC – getting to be a bit of a pattern.  And if they are looking at crimes, what about the regular human rights violations by the army?  Are they only crimes when committed by people the West doesn’t like? Not noticed a rush to indict anyone in Bahrain, for example. KS

 

UN News Service

Nigerian rebels could face war crimes charges for ‘population cleansing’ – UN rights office

A man stands outside his destroyed home in Baga, Borno State, Nigeria, following heavy fighting between military forces from Nigeria, Niger and Chad, and Boko Haram. Photo: IRIN/Aminu Abubakar

17 May 2013 – Members of Boko Haram and other extremist groups in Nigeria could face war crimes charges for deliberate acts leading to ethnic and religious cleansing, the top United Nations human rights official said today.

In a press briefing in Geneva, the spokesperson for the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR), Rupert Colville, reiterated calls on Boko Haram and other extremist groups in Nigeria to cease their “cowardly attacks” against civilians and politicians, members of Government institutions, security forces and foreign nationals.

“The High Commissioner has also noted that members of Boko Haram and other groups and entities, if judged to have committed widespread or systematic attacks against a civilian population – including on grounds such as religion or ethnicity – could be found guilty of crimes against humanity,” Mr. Colville added.

“Deliberate acts leading to population “cleansing” on grounds of religion or ethnicity could also amount to a crime against humanity,” he stressed.

In recent weeks, more than 220 people have been killed in violent clashes between military forces and the Islamist group, Boko Haram.

OHCHR has urged the Nigerian Government to abide by human rights principles during security patrols, saying it is concerned about the large number of casualties, reportedly including many civilians, and massive destruction of houses and property.

“We urge the Government of Nigeria to ensure the regime of safeguards set out in international human rights law is respected during its emergency operations,” Mr. Colville reiterated today.

In a statement yesterday from his spokesperson, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon said he remains very concerned about the ongoing instability in the country and underscored the need for all concerned to fully respect human rights and to safeguard the lives of all Nigerians. UN

US urges restraint on Nigeria armed forces in the north

I do love the superbly hypocritical attitude of the United States – got to stop these African chappies engaging in human rights abuses, while we still have people locked up without trial and subject to sleep deprivation, water boarding and other delights at Guantanamo; and engage in unrestrained drone attacks around the world.  Abu Ghraib and atrocities committed in Iraq and much earlier in Vietnam were clearly restrained, humanitarian approaches to war. Were the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki rstrained – I don’t think so.  It seems restraint is for others, and the US will choose who they are.  Funny the US didn’t sign up to the ICC agreement but expects others to submit to it. KS

BBC

John Kerry urges Nigeria army ‘restraint’

Nigerian soldier in Bama (file photo - 7 May)
The Nigerian military has been accused of human rights violations

 

US Secretary of State John Kerry has urged the Nigerian army to show restraint and not violate human rights as it pursues an offensive against Islamist militants in the north-east.

Mr Kerry said there were “credible allegations” of “gross human rights violations” by the Nigerian military.

This week Nigeria launched its biggest offensive since the Boko Haram group began its insurgency in 2010.

A state of emergency is in force in Adamawa, Yobe and Borno states.

“The United States condemns Boko Haram’s campaign of terror in the strongest terms,” Mr Kerry said in a statement.

Boko Haram: Timeline of terror

  • 2002: Founded
  • 2009: Hundreds killed when Maiduguri police stations stormed; leader Mohammed Yusuf captured and killed while attempting to escape
  • Dec 2010: Bombed Jos, killing 80 people; blamed for New Year’s Eve attack on Abuja barracks
  • Jun-Aug 2011: Bomb attacks on Abuja police HQ and UN building
  • Dec 2011: Multiple bomb attacks on Christmas Day kill dozens
  • Jan 2012: Wave of violence across north-east Nigeria
  • April 2012: Deadly Easter church attack in Kaduna; This Day newspaper offices bombed
  • February 2013: French family kidnapped in Cameroon
  • May 2013: Heavily armed incursion into Bama town

“We urge Nigeria’s security forces to apply disciplined use of force in all operations, protect civilians in any security response and respect human rights and the rule of law.”

Camps targeted

More than 2,000 people have died in the violence since 2010, most of which is blamed on Boko Haram.

On Friday Nigerian war planes and helicopter gunships attacked several militant training camps in the north-east, officials said.

One plane was hit by anti-aircraft fire, but Brig Gen Chris Olukolade said it had returned to base safely, while the “terrorist base” was subsequently “completely destroyed”.

This is the first time Boko Haram has been reported to have used such heavy weaponry against aircraft.

A resident in Maiduguri, the capital of Borno state, told the BBC that the city was unusually quiet on Friday, with most people staying inside.

Brig Gen Olukolade said “several thousand” troops had been sent to the three north-eastern states to tackle Boko Haram.

The three semi-desert states where the state of emergency has been declared border Niger, Chad and Cameroon. They are roughly the size of England or the US state of Illinois but have a population of just 10 million.

Last month, Boko Haram rejected the prospect of an amnesty suggested by President Goodluck Jonathan.

map

BBC

Ethiopia – in or out of Somalia?

IPS

Ethiopia Playing at Being Good Neighbours

Somali government forces march during an army day parade in Mogadishu, Somalia. The country’s armed forces are not strong enough to control the threat of the Islamism extremist group Al-Shabaab and are propped up by Ethiopian troops and African Union peace-keepers. Credit: Abdurrahman Warsameh/IPS

ADDIS ABABA , May 17 2013 (IPS) – Despite comments by Ethiopian Prime Minister Hailemariam Desalegn suggesting the pending withdrawal of his country’s troops from Somalia, many experts have voiced doubts that Ethiopia will pull out of Somalia before it is capable of handling its security without assistance.

“Ethiopia has a big interest in Somalia and will remain, keeping its eyes wide open there for some time,” Abel Abate, from the state-funded think tank the Ethiopian International Institute for Peace and Development, told IPS.

“One purpose is to avoid the threat posed by the Islamist Al-Shabaab group, which sees Ethiopia as an enemy. And secondly, to show the world that it has made a significant contribution to peace and stability in the region.”

Somalia is still recovering from nearly two decades of war, and large parts of the Horn of Africa nation have been under siege by the extremist Al-Shabaab. The Somali transitional federal government, which is propped up by the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM) and regional troops, barely has control over the country’s capital Mogadishu.

“Ethiopia wanted … to show the world that it is the maker or breaker of Somalia.” — Abel Abate

 

While African countries have sent troops to Somalia under AMISOM, Ethiopia’s troops, which have been in the country since 2011, do not operate under the AU mission.

Last year, with the help of regional forces, the Somali government was able to recapture some key points in the country, including the port of Merca and the city of Jowhar, the biggest town under Al-Shabaab control, situated 70 km and 90 km from Mogadishu respectively.

However, in mid-March, Ethiopia pulled its troops from the southern town of Hudur without warning AMISOM. Following the withdrawal, Al-Shabaab immediately took control of the town in its first major military success since it retreated from Mogadishu in August 2011.

“Ethiopia pulled out from certain places in Somalia in order to send a signal to the international community that unless you support us, we will not shoulder all of Somalia’s problems,” Abate said.

“Ethiopia wanted to put pressure on the agencies and countries which have been supporting AMISOM but not Ethiopia, and to show the world that it is the maker or breaker of Somalia.”

Meanwhile, an Ethiopian government representative told IPS that the lack of international support for Somalia has made it difficult for this country to withdraw troops.

“Ever since we intervened in Somalia our initial plan was to hand it over to AMISOM and Somali forces,” Ethiopian government spokesperson Dina Mufti told IPS.

“However, we feel that international support has been lagging, not only for AMISOM, but for the whole Somali project, which has made it difficult for us to withdraw while these forces are too weak to take over.”

Dina hoped that a recent conference in London on May 7, where over 50 countries and organisations met to discuss how best to aid Somalia, might change this. However, he stopped short of saying it would be a game changer.

“One thing is for sure, we remain fully committed to supporting Somalia,” Dina said. But he could not say if Ethiopia would wait until AMISOM and the Somali army took over key strongholds before pulling out. “That I can’t say.”

Unlike AMISOM forces in Somalia, which are funded by the AU, Ethiopia pays for their operations themselves. This is believed to be one of the biggest contributing factors to Ethiopia’s frustration.

“Hailemariam has … tried to put pressure on the international community to put more resources into the issue, so Ethiopia can pull out gradually,” Kjetil Tronvoll from the Oslo-based International Law and Policy Institute told IPS.

“I do not think they will pull out prematurely, I think they might regroup some of their forces, but I don’t think they will just leave it open for Al-Shabaab to regroup and resurface and stay in that area currently controlled by Ethiopia.”

Tronvoll said he believed that Ethiopia would use its presence in Somalia as a bargaining chip for its agenda.

“If they feel as though they are losing influence in Mogadishu … or if they feel as though they are being pushed out, or not being consulted enough, they can use a withdrawal as a threat,” said Tronvoll. “They could say, we back you up on the ground, and if our concerns are not listened to in your policy development, then these are the repercussions you can expect.”

While it is seemingly unlikely that Ethiopia will immediately withdraw its troops, contradictory statements made last month by members of the Ethiopian government did result in confusion.

On Apr. 23, Hailemariam told parliament that AMISOM was taking too long to replace Ethiopian troops and that the main focus should be to accelerate their withdrawal.

However, the next day the Ministry of Foreign Affairs said Ethiopia would not withdraw troops until AMISOM and the Somali army were ready to take over.

But it is uncertain how much longer this will take.

According to Hassan Rafiki, an expert consultant at the Institute for Peace and Security Studies working with the government of Somalia, AMISOM is not as aggressive as it was in the initial stages.

“The troops have now found room to breathe from Al-Shabaab and the mission is, therefore, not encouraged or enthusiastic to replace the Ethiopian troops,” Rafiki told IPS.

“Somalia is now becoming a money machine for troop-contributing countries in the region, who wish to train new recruits for their armed forces, instead of their initial intention to help the Somali government and people.”

Another concern is the lack of AMISOM resources. “In its current capacity of little over 17,000 (troops), AMISOM is over-stretched. It won’t be able to fill the vacuum left by Ethiopia unless its troop levels are increased,” Abdi Aynte, director of Mogadishu’s first think-tank the Heritage Institute for Policy Studies, told IPS.

“Ethiopia must understand that it’s in its best interest to shift course and work with the Somali people and their government to reestablish strong state institutions,” said Aynte. “A stable, democratic Somalia is the best possible neighbour that Ethiopia could ask for in the world’s toughest region.” ips

Huge aid pledges to Mali risk overflow of funding

IPS

With Billions of Euros Pledged, Mali Risks Aid Overflow

BRUSSELS, May 16 2013 (IPS) – International donors pledged yesterday to mobilise 3.25 billion Euros to rebuild Mali, a figure that surpassed all expectations. But experts warn that the country does not have the absorption capacity for so much aid, while others say donors should pressure the Malian government to stop ongoing human rights abuses.

In January of this year, a French-led intervention ended more than a year of sectarian violence in the north of Mali. The intervention managed to stall the conflict, but the situation in the region remains tense.

More than 467,000 people, around one third of the population in the north, are currently displaced, and the United Nations announced on Tuesday that it needs at least 222 million Euros to address immediate food and other humanitarian needs.

Northern Mali is also facing its second food crisis in two years, the country’s economy is in decline, and over the last year it fell to one of the five poorest countries in the world, according to the United Nations (U.N.) Human Development Index.

The 3.25 billion Euros were pledged by the international community at a donor conference in Brussels yesterday for the reconstruction of this West African country. The high level meeting, organised by the European Union and France, together with Mali, welcomed 100 delegates from countries, regional organisations, U.N. agencies, EU member states and other development partners.

Pledges were made on the basis of the “Plan for the Sustainable Recovery of Mali, 2013-2014″, presented by the Malian government, which says that an amount of 4.343 billion Euros is needed to fully implement the plan.

Aid agencies and non-governmental organisations were careful in welcoming the influx of aid, however. “These pledges need to be seen as a down payment and not a one-off cheque,” Marietou Diaby, Malian country director for the NGO Oxfam, said in a press release following the meeting.

“These pledges need to be seen as a down payment and not a one-off cheque.” — Marietou Diaby,

 

“Donors must now support a new development contract between the people of Mali and their government which tackles poverty, corruption and inequality – issues that lie at the heart of the crisis,” Diaby noted, adding that crises such as Afghanistan and Somalia show that winning a military conflict is never enough to achieve sustainable peace and security.

EU officials in the field have also expressed concern about the enormous amount of money about to flow into a country that is not yet ready for it. According to one official, who requested anonymity, “The country does not have the absorption capacity yet. Other issues have to be dealt with first.”

“Donors want to move quickly, get the country back on its feet and show results as quickly as possible,” Tidhar Wald, EU conflict and humanitarian policy advisor at Oxfam Brussels, explained.

“But if we inject this amount of money, without proper guarantees in terms of sources management and transparency, into a country that is poorly governed, services are not functioning and some parts of society are benefiting more than others, the situation will hardly get any better,” Wald cautioned.

 

Just ahead of yesterday’s high-level meeting, Oxfam published a report stressing the need for smart development aid. “The Brussels meeting was intended to bring Mali back to normal,” Wald told IPS, “but even before the rebellion in the north started, Mali was in a crisis.”

“Its society has been eroding for decades because of previous ethnic conflicts, corruption, lack of transparency and other governance issues,” he described. “There needs to be a new contract between the Malian government and its people. The reconstruction plan needs to be inclusive; all Malians should benefit from it.”

“We have to make sure that the government is made accountable to its people, that people can influence decision making, that civil society is part of the decision-making process,” Wald concluded.

According to Oxfam’s report, donors should commit to providing aid at least for the next 15 years, the amount of time needed to successfully undertake necessary government reforms and tackle the root causes of poverty. This time frame, however, stands in stark contrast with the two years mentioned in the Malian government’s reconstruction plan.

Other experts also point to the fact the conflict in Mali is not over yet and human rights violations persist. On Tuesday, Amnesty International accused government forces of carrying out extrajudicial executions in the north. Islamic militants have been reported recruiting child soldiers and killing civilians and wounding government soldiers.

U.N. officials, meanwhile, have expressed grave concern about retaliatory attacks against Tuareg and Arab communities in the north after government troops retook towns held by Islamic rebels. As a result, both Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch urge donors to pressure the Malian government to end to human rights abuses in the country.  ips

China and Africa – an odd and whimsical approach that suggests Chinese racism

African Arguments

Confucius and the Curate’s Egg: The Morality of China in Africa – a review by Keith Somerville

May 16, 2013

It is oddly appropriate that in reviewing a book that expends many pages in slightly obscure, not always enlightening and often whimsical accounts of the philosophy of Confucianism and folk tales of the Middle Kingdom, that I should employ a very English euphemism taken from a Punch cartoon from the Victorian era to characterize it. For those who don’t know the cartoon, it shows a young Church of England curate at breakfast with his bishop. The curate’s egg is bad – but so as not to slight his superior he insists that parts of it are excellent.  That is rather the case with Stephen Chan’s book looking at the morality of China’s relations with Africa.

Having worked through it over a couple of days there were a few passages that were excellent but I was not convinced in the end that this would enable me to be as diplomatic or perhaps as obsequious as the curate. But I did feel that a little whimsy was appropriate as so much of the book has a strange, whimsical character that does not always sit well with the seriousness of the subject.

I do always worry when a book about Africa has in the title the words “Dark  Continent”. It smacks of the sarcastic advice Binyavanga Wainaina gave to writers about Africa in his well-known Granta article in 2005 – darkness was a metaphor he clearly thought people should avoid.  Stephen Chan, I’m sure, intends its use to highlight some of the less sophisticated Chinese views that persist about Africa.  But it crops up in the book every now and again, as when one contributor, Jerru Liu, notes that “the behaviour of the descendants of Confucius in the Dark Continent is difficult for the West to understand”; one does wonder whether other constructions might have been better to get this across. It is one thing using the phrase to depict bluntly how many Chinese have preconceptions about Africans, as many Westerners also do, but another when trying to describe wider perceptions of Chinese behaviour in his own words.

And it is often the choice of language, of long passages about Confucianism and the Middle Kingdom, that make this a frustrating book to read.  Every now and then one gets glimpses of what could be valuable insights into Chinese approaches to Africa – as the majority of those writing in this slim volume are of Chinese origin – but the whimsical prose or somewhat obscure Confucian discourse then shroud the issue.  We get a lot of folksy or sentimental passages – about how Chan was touched to see Zimbabwean guerrilla leaders eating with chopsticks or how he at one stage seemed popular in Africa because his long-hair meant Africans seemed to equate him with the Shaolin monks of martial arts movies – but these do little in the end to increase the reader’s understanding of the issue of morality in China’s dealings with Africa or the nature and detail of those dealings.

The blurb on the back of the book says that the work “undermines existing assumptions concerning Sino-African relations”.  If there was any undermining going on it was of any lingering doubts about the racist attitudes of many Chinese towards Africa and Africans.  Outlining how “Africa is indeed part of the traditionally ‘barbarian’ world” in Chinese terminology, Chan goes on to say that explanations of the use of white devils for Europeans and black devils for Africans cannot be written off as metaphors for something less insulting, “they were condescending insults”; he then adds that “popular speech in China still uses these labels” (p.17). If that is his judgement on Chinese views of Africans, then it says little for the moral basis of the overall Chinese approach to Africa. He emphasises the point with the old Chinese story of Meng Huo who is crude in his tastes and behaviour but is allowed to remain a king under the tutelage of the virtuous Zhu of the Middle Kingdom – Meng Huo – who, like Africa, is a barbarian and “Barbarians, even those adopted as younger brothers, never quite cease being barbarians” (p. 21).

In between the folk-tales and excursions into Confucianism, there is some detail of the development of Chinese-African relations over time.  I would have liked more of this and greater detail about current trade and investment relations and more in-depth analysis of the problems encountered – such as the repeated and bitter violence between Chinese mine bosses and miners in Africa and growing resentment of the expanding numbers of Chinese migrants and small traders across Africa.

The accounts are interesting, but patchy. So we get reference to China’s support for Savimbi’s UNITA against the MPLA in Angola, but no reference to the extensive arms deliveries and military training given to Roberto’s FNLA via Mobutu’s Zaire in combination with the CIA – the escalation of external intervention in the developing civil war that was arguably decisive in bringing the Soviet Union and Cuba into the conflict.  We get nothing of substance on the use of Chinese rather than African workers on a lot of projects and of the role Chinese retailers play in undercutting their African rivals by importing cheap and subsidised Chinese manufactured goods that, for example, have severely damaged the Nigerian textile industry or reduced South Africa’s trade in manufactured goods with the rest of Africa.

Comparing this volume with Chris Alden’s excellent and detailed China in Africa published by African Arguments and Zed in 2007, I am tempted to ask why Zed didn’t ask Alden for a second, updated edition rather than invest in a discursive and somewhat obscure volume that tells the reader more about the author’s feelings and musings than about the crux of a very important subject for Africa.

Stephen Chan (ed) The Morality of China in Africa:  The Middle Kingdom and the Dark Continent is pubklished by Zed Books, London. ISBN 978 1 78032 567 5 hb; ISBN 978 1 78032 566 8 pb.  £14.99  aa

Vietnam a main market for poached African ivory

IPS

In Vietnam, Rhino Horns Worth Their Weight in Gold

By Marwaan Macan-
A white rhino at a sanctuary in South Africa’s Limpopo province. Credit: Jennifer McKellar/IPSA white rhino at a sanctuary in South Africa’s Limpopo province. Credit: Jennifer McKellar/IPS

BANGKOK, May 15 2013 (IPS) – At first glance, the poster appears to be a typical advertisement for an African safari: a large rhinoceros set against a rugged, open terrain. Then you take a closer look and realise something is amiss.

A cluster of human hands has replaced the two horns that distinguish this African animal from the single-horned Indian and Javan rhino. A message over the creature’s head reads: “Rhino horn is made of the same stuff as human nails. Still want some?”

Produced jointly by the wildlife watchdogs TRAFFIC and the World Wildlife Fund (WWF), these posters are soon to appear on the walls of public places in major Vietnamese cities including the capital, Hanoi, and Ho Chi Minh City.

Offices, apartment buildings and even airports are all set to become sites in the campaign to end the illegal international trade in rhino horns that is threatening the ungulate to extinction.

Experts say there is no better place than this Southeast Asian nation of 87 million to drive this stark message home. Vietnam has long been singled out by international groups monitoring the illicit wildlife trade for the dramatic rise in domestic demand for African rhino horns.

Close to 290 of the 20,000 rhinos left in South Africa have been killed for their horns since the beginning of this year, according to conservationists worried that such a deadly spree could see the death toll match the record number of 668 rhinos killed by poachers in 2012.

“We are in the midst of a rhino poaching crisis,” Mark Jones, a British veterinarian who heads the London-based Humane Society International, told IPS, adding that Vietnam has recently emerged as the main market for rhino horns.

The spike in demand has been shaped by a belief among locals that has taken root over the past five years: that rhino horn has special medicinal powers, including the ability to treat cancer, cure hangovers, and act as an aphrodisiac.

According to Naomi Doak, coordinator of the Greater Mekong Programme at TRAFFIC, the graphics for the new campaign poster were developed after experts realised that a “large proportion of the Vietnamese public” were not aware that rhino horn, a mass of agglutinated hair, is comprised of keratin, the same basic substance that constitutes human finger and toenails.

She hopes that bringing this fact to light will make people “think twice before consuming rhino horn.”

Yet driving home this message will be “a long and difficult campaign,” Doak admitted in an interview with IPS. “With very few penalties and consequences people really aren’t that concerned about the impacts the consumption of rhino (horn) has either on the animals or on people.”

A status symbol

To understand what wildlife protection groups are up against, one need only take a stroll through Hanoi’s famed Old Quarter, a colourful network of 36 streets where crafts and local products have been hawked for centuries.

Here, shops specialising in traditional Chinese medicine (TCM) attract scores of customers seeking remedies made from wild animal parts, including rhino horn.

 

In his latest documentary ‘Bad Medicine – Illegal Trade in Rhinoceros Horns’, conservationist and filmmaker Karl Amman traces the routes of illegal traffickers from the Africans wilds to the streets of Vietnam, where “rhino horns have also become a status symbol,” he said.

This explains why gold, once the favourite gift among the communist-ruled country’s expanding class of wealthy citizens, has been dethroned by rhino horns, which currently fetch 65,000 dollars per kilogramme.

This is “more than gold, gram for gram,” according to Jones. Though the weight of rhino horns vary, an individual horn can fetch upto 150,000 dollars.

The pressure on Vietnam to curb the demand for illegal rhino horns is expected to grow following the resolutions passed in March at the Bangkok meeting of the Convention on International Trade in Endangered Species (CITES). The strong language at this 16th global gathering of 178 member countries fell just short of imposing sanctions on Hanoi.

The Vietnamese government, meanwhile, has consistently denied allegations that it is a major market in this global trade. It often points an accusing finger at its powerful northern neighbour, China, which is also under scrutiny for boosting the illegal wildlife trade, particularly the demand for tiger parts.

But activists have proof, and are not prepared to remain silent.

Do Quang Tung, deputy director of CITES Vietnam, who headed his country’s delegation to the Bangkok talks, told a Vietnamese newspaper in late March, “From 2004 until now, 13 (individuals) involved in rhino trafficking were arrested, with a total of 150 kg of rhino horns.” Two of these cases, he said, occurred in early 2013.

“Illegal trade in rhino horns involves highly organised, mobile and well-financed criminal groups, mainly composed of Asian nationals based in Africa,” a report published by TRAFFIC and the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) revealed early this year.

“These networks have recruited pseudo-hunters including Vietnamese citizens, Thai prostitutes and proxy hunters from the Czech Republic and Poland to obtain rhino horns in South Africa,” added the report.

“Pseudo-hunting has significantly reduced as a result of a decision to prevent nationals of Vietnam from obtaining hunting licenses and changes to South African law in April 2012.”

Another embarrassment for Vietnam has been scandals involving its diplomats at the South African mission who were accused of smuggling rhino horns in 2006 and 2008. When confronted about these incidents at the recent CITES meeting in Bangkok, a Vietnamese government official said that the errant diplomats had received “punishment” for their actions.

Hopes are running high that the impending poster campaign will do its part to educate the public and bring an end to the thriving trade. But it will take more than two animal rights groups to halt rising demand.

Nguyen Thuy Quynh, of WWF Vietnam, said recently, “We are seeking support and cooperation from many businesses, celebrities, universities, international organisations and mass media who all have an important voice in reaching and influencing the community.” ips