Category Archives: North Africa

Sudan – UNICEF warns of worsening malnutrition in east

Sudan Tribune

(KHARTOUM) – United Nation Children Fund (UNICEF) has warned against the worsening conditions of children in eastern Sudan due to malnutrition.

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UNICEF Deputy Executive Director, Omar Abdi, (C) speaks in a press briefing on November 15, 2015 (Photo UNICEF)

UNICEF deputy executive director Omar Abdi, expressed fear over the challenges facing the work of UNICEF in Sudan, particularly with regard to accessing all children.

He said that some areas are still suffering from children malnutrition despite the progress made in reducing the death rates of children below five years old from 83% to 68% together with increasing the number of children enrolled in schools and those who have access to water.

Abdi, who spoke at a press conference at the conclusion of his visit to Sudan Sunday, pointed that the budget allotted for Sudan amounts to $130 million, saying it only covers 60% of the actual needs.

He urged the partners to continue their support for UNICEF programs in Sudan, adding he discussed the work of UNICEF in Sudan with several officials including the First Vice-President Bakri Hassan Salih.

Abdi pointed the Sudanese government stressed commitment to cooperate with UNICEF to promote children’s welfare, saying he inspected the security situation and several IDP’s camps in North Darfur state.

For his part, UNICEF resident representative in Sudan, Geert Cappelaere said the malnutrition in eastern Sudan is worse than in Darfur, noting that UNICEF would open an office in eastern Sudan to strengthen its presence there.

“We would launch a call to provide a budget to address malnutrition issue particularly as the budget allotted to Sudan is limited,” he said

He said that 7% of the South Sudanese refugees in Sudan are children, pointing to high mortality rate among them due to malnutrition and lack of vaccination.

The director of the international cooperation department at Sudan’s foreign ministry Sirag al-Din Hamid , for his part, asked for UNICEF help to lift the unilateral economic sanctions imposed on Sudan in order to allow the implementation of programs pertaining to children and education.

He described the visit of UNICEF deputy executive director to Sudan as important, saying that Khartoum attaches great hopes to the visit which reflects the level of cooperation between UNICEF and Sudan.


Nigeria – Dasuki’s house still under security service siege despite court order

Premium Times

Former National Security Adviser - Sambo Dasuki

Former National Security Adviser – Sambo Dasuki

The siege on the home of a former National Security Adviser, Sambo Dasuki, by officials of the State Security Service, SSS, was still on, Sunday, despite a court order.

Justice Adeniyi Ademola of the Federal High Court, Abuja, on Friday reacted angrily to the siege on Mr. Dasuki’s house despite an earlier ruling he gave permitting the retired colonel to travel abroad for medical treatment. “My own orders will not be flouted” the judge said on Friday, while re-iterating his stance that the former security chief be allowed to travel for medical treatment.

PREMIUM TIMES could not confirm if the SSS had been served with Friday’s court order as the Service is yet to appoint a spokesperson.

Mr. Dasuki had returned to the court to sue the Federal Government for still plotting to re-arrest him despite the earlier court order.

Justice Ademola said on Friday that “a court order must be obeyed”.

He also said there was nothing wrong in allowing Mr. Dasuki travel abroad for medical treatment, saying “only a fit person can stand for trial and investigation.”

Mr. Dasuki had approached the court last Monday asking for an order to allow him enforce his rights.

In the suit, Mr. Dasuki sought enforcement of his fundamental human rights to dignity and security of his life.

Armed security operatives have been permanently stationed at his residence, closely monitoring in-and-out movements and occasionally checking trunks of vehicles.

PREMIUM TIMES observed that on Sunday, two Trucks belonging to the SSS were parked in front of Mr. Dasuki’s house at No. 13 John Khadiya street, in Asokoro district Abuja on Sunday.

Operatives of the SSS were also seen sitting in front of the House.

Mr. Dasuki himself responded to our inquiry asking whether the SSS had left his house via text message to say “ They are yet to comply. At this moment, they are still here”.

The SSS had while reacting to initial reports of the siege on the residence of the former NSA issued a statement saying the “standoff” with Mr. Dasuki is based on a different investigation

The agency said Mr. Dasuki has refused to honour an invitation by a committee investigating arms purchase while he held sway as the NSA.

“It may be recalled that Sambo was initially arrested and charged to court for unlawful possession of firearms and money laundering, for which reason his international passport was seized and on the order of the court, returned to the registrar for custody,” the SSS said in the statement by one Tony Opuiyo.

“What has however brought the seeming standoff between Sambo and the Service, despite the court-ordered release of his international passport on 4th November, 2015, is his refusal to appear before a Committee undertaking the investigation of an entirely different case.”

But Mr. Dasuki reacted swiftly saying he was never invited to appear before the committee.

“I’m not also aware that the committee is operating from the SSS headquarters,” Mr. Dasuki told PREMIUM TIMES. “What I know is that the committee is operating from the office of the National Security Adviser. So why is the SSS the one inviting me?”

Friday’s court order was issued after the SSS statement.

Africa – European fund to tackle refugee exodus not enough: investment not charity


Europe fund to tackle African migration ‘not enough’

A picture provided by Spanish Ministry of Defence on November 5, 2015 shows Spanish rescuers approaching a boat with migrants off the coast of Libya.AFP Thousands of people have drowned this year trying to cross the Mediterranean Sea

The $1.9bn (£1.2bn) European fund to tackle African migration is not sufficient, several African leaders have said after crisis talks with their European counterparts.

It was one of several measures European and African leaders agreed to reduce the flow of people into Europe.

The leaders said their aim was to “address the root causes of migration”.

The Europe-Africa meeting was planned after around 800 migrants died when their boat sank off Libya in April.

Senegal’s President Macky Sall, who currently heads the West African regional group Ecowas, told journalists on the sidelines of the summit that the money pledged was “not enough for the whole of Africa”.

Later, at the closing press conference, he said he was pleased with the trust fund, but said he would like to see it “more generously financed”.

Niger’s President Mahamadou Issoufou echoed the Senegalese president’s sentiments and added that “reform of global governance” was also needed, to make world trade fairer, Reuters news agency reports.

While Somalia’s Prime Minister Omar Abdirashidali Sharmatke told the BBC: “What Africa needs today is not charity, but investment.”

EU Council President Donald Tusk said the summit had agreed “a long list of very concrete actions to be implemented by the end of 2016”.

These include setting up a joint European and African team in Niger to tackle people smuggling and increasing the number of visas available to students and researchers.

“We are under no illusions that we can improve the situation overnight but we are committed to giving people alternatives to risking their lives,” Mr Tusk said.

Angela Merkel and Nkosozana Dlamini Zuma

The European trust fund is supposed to “foster stability… and to contribute to better migration management”, according to a European Union statement.

It is also aimed at “promoting economic… opportunities, security and development” in the 23 African countries named which, along with Senegal, include Nigeria, Eritrea and Libya.

The money will be spent on:

  • Economic programmes to create jobs
  • Supporting services like health and education
  • Improving migration management “including containing and preventing irregular migration”
  • Supporting conflict prevention
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Media reaction to the plans:

“Financial aid to accept deportation of thousands” declares Algerian daily El-Khabar, before quoting human rights groups warning that Europe was “forcing African countries to play the role of policeman”.

However, Germany’s tabloid Bild asks: “Why is Chancellor Merkel negotiating with Africa’s despots?” in its account of the “tricky Valletta summit”.

Similarly, the Sueddeutsche Zeitung says the EU’s offer of money for fewer refugees from Africa was making critics “accuse the EU of showing its real values by cooperating with unjust regimes”.

In neighbouring France, Le Figaro urges President Francois Hollande to “have the courage” to drastically cut all kinds of aid for migrants. “In the short term, what is he waiting for to close the Calais ‘jungle’… and change the policy against clandestine immigration?”

In Russia, state-controlled Channel One TV describes the summit as “another attempt by Europe to stop the chaos”, noting that “whilst Europe and Africa are bargaining with each other, thousands are embarking on fatal trips in the Mediterranean”.

Grey line

The $1.9bn fund is in addition to the $20bn the EU already spends on development assistance in Africa every year, Mr Tusk said.

The fund is also supposed to be boosted by contributions by individual member states, but only a small amount had been pledged.

The UN says some 150,000 people from African countries such as Eritrea, Nigeria and Somalia have made the dangerous journey across the Mediterranean.

But this has been dwarfed by the arrival of some 650,000 people – mostly Syrians – via Turkey and Greece.

There have been more than 3,000 deaths as people try to make the crossing.

BBC world affairs reporter Richard Galpin says the crisis has evolved so quickly this year that European leaders have been struggling to keep up and formulate any coherent policies.

A map showing movements of migrants in Europe

40 years of hurt: The never-ending scandal of the Western Sahara

African Arguments 

For Africa, the UN and the powers in the Security Council, the ongoing occupation of the Western Sahara is an embarrassment.  For Saharwis, it’s a profound injustice.

Members of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO)'s make their way across the desert. Photograph by UN Photo/Martine Perret.

Members of the UN Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO)’s make their way across the desert. Photograph by UN Photo/Martine Perret.

Forty years ago tomorrow (6 November), Morocco invaded Western Sahara, a former Spanish colonial possession – mostly made up of desert – in West Africa.

As Spain walked away, Morocco claimed the territory as part of its ancient empire. The UN had declared that it was up to the people of the territory to decide their own future, but before they could do so, King Hassan II of Morocco organised the “Green March” in which hundreds of Moroccans were bussed to the border and – in front of the international press – pushed into Western Sahara waving Moroccan flags.

Meanwhile, many miles away from the media, columns of tanks, armoured cars and truck-loads of Moroccan soldiers swept into the territory. So too did troops from neighbouring Mauritania which also claimed swathes of ground.

These foreign troops were met by indigenous fighters of the Polisario Front who were lightly armed and no match for tanks and artillery. Gradually, the Polisario fighters and thousands of civilians were pushed over the border into Algeria.

Morocco ignored international calls for it to withdraw and even left the Organisation of African Unity (the predecessor to the African Union) when the continent body declared the occupation illegal.

Polisario kept up the fight and by 1979 managed to force Mauritania to retreat. But Morocco refused to be moved and instead constructed a vast wall of sand and rock and planted mines the entire length of it in order to protect its illegally acquired territory.

40 years later, little has changed. Morocco retains control over the area and to this day huge numbers of Sahrawi refugees live in white tents across the border in Algeria. The Government of Algeria estimates that there are now 165,000 people in the camps, but there has never been an agreed registration exercise. The UN refugee agency’s assistance programme is based on a planning figure of just 90,000 refugees.

By coincidence, in the same year as the invasion of Western Sahara, the tiny pacific territory of East Timor – abandoned by its Portuguese imperial rulers – was seized by neighbouring Indonesia. However, while Indonesia was forced to accept a UN ruling in 2002 when East Timor became independent, Morocco’s territorial grab has been persistently protected by France and, to an extent, the US.

The forgotten war

The Western Sahara is rich in phosphates and fish. Its prolific waters are fished – over-fished say some – by European trawlers without oversight.

Relations between Algeria and Morocco have always been bad. Regional rivals, they were on opposite sides in the Cold War; Algeria was backed by the Soviet Union, Morocco by France and the US. The end of the Cold War made little difference to this regional rivalry.

In 1987, I made a film for the UK’s Chanel4 about Western Sahara called The Forgotten War. Even then, the region’s plight was already a distant memory in the international imagination.

We first travelled to the refugee camps in Tindouf, Algeria, then drove across the desert to the border in Land Rovers accompanied by Polisario fighters. Wiry, sharp-eyed and tough, they relished the chance to lob some mortar shells over the wall. We parked the vehicles in a deep gully and crept onto a low ridge opposite the wall. The fighters behind us pumped mortar shells over our heads and we filmed them hitting the wall on the ridge over a mile way.

What we didn’t know was that the Americans had just provided Morocco with ground radar. The Moroccan army’s response was fierce and uncomfortably accurate. The Polisario fighters, determined to prove their bravery – or at least test ours – led us into a shallow valley where they proceeded to light a fire and brew tea.

Most of the Sahrawi refugees who live in five camps near Tindouf are totally dependent on humanitarian assistance. All around is empty desert where rain is rare. Opportunities for income generation were virtually non-existent, but some people kept goats or try to grow vegetables with brackish water by hand from deep wells.

This is the life that the Saharawis have been forced to live. Meanwhile, King Hassan II built new towns on the coast of Western Sahara and brought thousands from Morocco to live and work in them.

In Rabat, I conducted an interview with the speaker of parliament in which he angrily admitted that Morocco imprisoned and tortured those who spoke up for an independent Saharwi republic.

Waiting for the vote

In 1991, a ceasefire was agreed and under the auspices of the UN, a referendum was scheduled for 1992. The vote, however, was postponed again and again and has still never taken place.

In 2000, Jim Baker, the US Secretary of State, tried to revive the process and get agreement between Morocco, Algeria and Polisario to a staged process involving a referendum after five years.

Getting agreement from the clan leaders or even establishing which clan leaders could be counted as true Saharwis was very difficult, not least because they are traditionally nomadic and did not recognise borders. Morocco took advantage of this ambiguity, demanding a say in who was a clan leader and lavishing money on those who were prepared to say they were Moroccan. Speaking to these leaders, I noticed their answers were much more formulaic than the Saharwi clan leaders in the camps in the desert.

Nevertheless, for a while, it looked as if the Americans were going to take control of the issue from the French, but their plan to allow everyone living in the territory to vote was rejected by Polisario.

A few years later in 2003, another attempt was accepted by Polisario but sidelined by Morocco. No pressure from the US or France was made to get the King to comply. The international effort to establish who was qualified to vote and getting them registered foundered. In the end the referendum never took place.

Over the past 40 years then, two generations of Saharawis have been born and grown up in sand-blown tented camps while international efforts have stalled and their colonists in Morocco have flourished economically.

For Africa, the UN and the powers in the Security Council, the unresolved situation in the Western Sahara is an embarrassment.  For the Saharwis, it is a profound injustice.

Richard Dowden is the Director of the Royal African Society.

Is the West letting Sudan and Bashir back in from the cold?

Institute of Security Studies

5 November 2015

On 29 October, the United States (US) embassy in Khartoum issued an interesting statement, welcoming Sudan’s removal from the Financial Action Task Force (FATF) list of countries which are not playing their part in combatting money laundering and the financing of terrorism. The FATF is an inter-governmental body established in 1989 to combat such crimes.

The US embassy noted that last month FATF had taken Sudan off its watch list because of its ‘significant progress … in addressing the strategic anti-money laundering (AML)/counter-terrorism financing (CFT) deficiencies earlier identified by the FATF…’

The embassy also noted that ‘the rise of violent extremism poses a shared threat to the Sudanese and American people … and welcomes the opportunity to work with Sudan on future counter-terrorism efforts, such as denying safe haven to terrorists, blocking access to financial resources, and disrupting the flow of foreign fighters.’

This statement pointed the way to possible significant shifts in the hitherto combative relationship between Washington and Khartoum.

Sudan remains under comprehensive US sanctions and also, along with Iran and Syria, on America’s list of state sponsors of terrorism. Former US president Bill Clinton imposed the comprehensive trade sanctions against Sudan itself and the blocking of the Khartoum government in November 1997, when Sudan was still harbouring Osama bin Laden.

There are important signs that the Obama administration will start easing up on Khartoum

The reasons he gave were Sudan’s ‘continued support for international terrorism, ongoing efforts to destabilise neighbouring governments, and the prevalence of human rights violations, including slavery and the denial of religious freedom…’ In March 2005, then president George Bush added targeted sanctions against the property of individual Sudanese who were deemed to be responsible for violations of human rights and humanitarian law in Darfur.

When Khartoum allowed South Sudan to secede in July 2011, it said it should be rewarded by the lifting or at least easing of sanctions. This did not happen. And the US, which holds the key to the World Bank granting the debt relief that Khartoum badly wants under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (HIPC) initiative, still has its finger hovering over the veto button.

Nevertheless there are important signs that the Obama administration – and the West at large – will now start to ease up on Khartoum. One of those signs was removing Sudan from the FATF list, mentioned above. Another was the failure of human rights defenders to get Sudan returned to the so-called ‘Item Four’ category of human rights offending countries at the United Nations (UN) Human Rights Council in Geneva last month.

The activists wanted Sudan punished for a recent surge in alleged atrocities by government forces in Darfur as documented in Human Rights Watch’s recent report, Men with no mercy. The report cites testimonies of many witnesses that the government’s Rapid Support Forces in particular have conducted systematic abuses of civilians, including murder and the widespread rape of young girls.

Sudan finds itself in a strategically important position on a range of important issues for the West

For nearly two decades, Khartoum was classified under Item Four, meaning that its offences were a deliberate implementation of government’s policy. But in 2011, after it let South Sudan go, it was promoted to ‘Item 10’ classification, which focuses on ‘technical assistance and capacity-building’ and the need to raise awareness of the need for accountability.

The implication of this classification is the implausible assumption that a government is conducting human rights offences unwittingly and merely requires outside help to correct these mistakes.

The human rights defenders also failed in their attempt for the Human Rights Council to appoint a commission of inquiry into abuses in Sudan’s South Kordofan and Blue Nile states, where the government stands accused of indiscriminate bombing of civilians, among other offences.

The journal Africa Confidential has reported it was a ‘back-room’ deal between the US and Sudan in Geneva that thwarted these moves by Sudanese opposition forces and international human rights champions to tighten the screws on Khartoum. The journal said it was told by human rights activists ‘that Washington and Khartoum stitched up a deal and then passed it to the African group to sponsor.’

The quid pro quo for the US in this deal was supposedly greater intelligence cooperation from Khartoum, especially on Somalia’s al-Shabaab jihadist extremist group, which is trying to topple the African Union-backed government in Mogadishu and Joseph Kony’s Lord’s Resistance Army. Berouk Mesfin, a senior researcher at the Institute of Security Studies (ISS) in Addis Ababa, though, thinks that Sudan would have more intelligence on the Islamic State, which some Sudanese have joined.

The human rights lobby is furious about the alleged deal between the US and Sudan. Africa Confidential quoted Sudanese human rights advocate Abdullahi Ahmed An Na’im, a professor of law at Atlanta’s Emory University, as saying, ‘The only consistency in the work of the UN Human Rights Council is its unfailing capacity to disappoint the lowest of expectations.’ An Na’im confirmed this quote to the ISS.

Yet it is not only the US that is easing pressure on Khartoum and not only for the sake of cooperation in the fight against terrorism.

Mesfin agrees with an official from another Western country that the ‘enormous disappointment and fatigue’ caused by the disastrous civil war in South Sudan is also a factor in the quest for greater cooperation with Khartoum (therefore the easing of US and wider international pressure).

Are geo-strategic considerations again trumping human rights concerns?

‘The South Sudan and Sudan country situations are closely interwoven and Sudan’s cooperation is key to return South Sudan to stability,’ the official says. ‘Sudan has the capability to “ignite” South Sudan into inter-communal and inter-ethnic strife, which would make today’s situation look like a tea party.’

The official also notes Sudan’s role in Yemen, supporting the Saudi-led (and largely US-approved) fight against the Houthi rebels. The official sees easing of pressure on Sudan as part of the Obama administration’s wider move to normalise relations with foes, such as Iran and Cuba.

‘Based on these considerations, the US is now more pragmatic than for a very long time in entertaining a dialogue with Khartoum on issues like terror listing, sanctions relief and debt relief.’

Sudan also plays a key role for Europe, the official notes, notably as a transit country for refugees from Eritrea especially, but also Ethiopia and Somalia. He recalls that Khartoum hosted a migration summit last year, a forerunner of the big European Union–African Union migration summit to be held in Malta later this month. Mesfin adds that Sudan can also play the role of a middleman between Ethiopia and Eritrea, as it has good relations with both.

So Sudan finds itself, rather fortuitously, in a strategically important position on a range of important issues for the West, and so with an unusually high degree of leverage. And, in this Cold War-like scenario, geo-strategic considerations are again trumping human rights concerns.

The irony is that the West and the African Union – which are otherwise cast as the antagonist and defender, respectively, over Sudan – now find themselves switching roles.

Last month in Khartoum, Sudanese President al-Bashir opened his National Dialogue, which is supposed to point the way to the political future. It was boycotted not only by most of the political opposition, but even by the African Union’s special envoy on Sudan – former South African President Thabo Mbeki. That was because al-Bashir’s government spurned conditions for participating in the Dialogue set by the opposition Sudan Call Forces coalition, including a neutral venue. Mbeki had agreed to those conditions.

‘I don’t think there are chances for Sudan’s political transformation as long as Bashir controls internal pressure,’ says Mesfin. ‘I also think Sudan’s removal from the FATF watch list means that the US and West are not going to apply external pressure.’

This turn of events, however, suggests – if only facetiously – a possible future strategy for the West in its eternal and mostly futile quest to win African backing in its fight against despotic African leaders – support them.

Peter Fabricius, ISS Consultant

Clashes continue between Sudanese army and Ethiopian shifta along the border

Sudan Tribune

(KHARTOUM) – Sources have disclosed ongoing clashes between Sudanese troops and Ethiopian gangs known as Shifta on the border between the two countries since Sunday saying that military reinforcement has been sent to the area.

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A road leading to Ethiopia-Sudan border (Photo

No official statement has been issued from both governments.

The fresh clashes come after the death of eight Ethiopian nationals during confrontations between Sudan’s Popular Defence Forces (PDF) and Ethiopian armed groups last September.

Sources in the state of Gedaref told Sudan Tribune that Ethiopian gunmen have entered Atrad area inside Sudan’s territory since Sunday, pointing to the tense situation in the area following the killing of several Ethiopian farmers last month.

Farmers from two sides of the border used to dispute the ownership of land in the Al-Fashaga area located in the south-eastern part of Sudan’s eastern state of Gedaref.

Last September, the governor of Gedaref state, Merghani Salih has complained that Ethiopia controls more than a million acres of Sudanese agricultural land in the area of Al-Fashaga, saying the area has been completely isolated from Sudan.

It should be mentioned that Al-Fashaga covers an area of about 250 square kilometers and it has about 600.000 acres of fertile lands. Also there are river systems flowing across the area including Atbara, Setait and Baslam rivers.

Multiple sources have confirmed that clashes are ongoing between the PDF and the Shifta gangs in Shingal area on the outskirts of Kinaina town in the locality of east Galabat, pointing that a Sudanese soldier was killed in the clashes.

The same sources noted that reinforcement from the Sudanese army and the special forces are en route to support the PDF troops.

The two governments have agreed in the past to redraw the borders, and to promote joint projects between people from both sides for the benefit of local population. However, the Ethiopian opposition has used to accuse the ruling party of abandoning Ethiopian territory to Sudan.

In November 2014, Sudan’s president Omer al-Bashir and Ethiopia’s premier, Hailemariam Desalegn, instructed their foreign ministers to set a date for resuming borders demarcation after it had stopped following the death of Ethiopia’s former prime minister, Meles Zenawi.

Also, in December 2013 the Joint Sudanese- Ethiopian Higher Committee (JSEHC) announced that it reached an agreement to end disputes between farmers from two sides of the border over the ownership of agricultural land particularly in the Al-Fashaga.



Sudan’s Bashir gets some goodies on China trip

East African

Sudan President Bashir bags goodies on China trip

Chinese President Xi Jinping (right) shakes hands with his Sudanese counterpart Omar al-Bashir during a signing ceremony at the Great Hall of the People in Beijing on September 1, 2015. PHOTO | AFP 

By Mohammed Amin in Khartoum

Posted  Friday, September 4  2015 at  12:56


  • Khartoum news agency Suna quoted Finance minister Badr Aldien Mahmoud as disclosing that the Sudanese delegation had signed more than 10 investment contracts with Chinese companies.
  • The deals, the minister said, include oil and gas, transport and telecommunication and space technology.
  • Beijing and Khartoum also signed a ports corporation agreement and an airbus aircraft sales deal.

Sudanese President Omar al-Bashir’s visit to China may have prompted international uproar, but has yielded several economic deals for his country.

Khartoum news agency Suna quoted Finance minister Badr Aldien Mahmoud as disclosing that the Sudanese delegation had signed more than 10 investment contracts with Chinese companies.

The deals, the minister said, include oil and gas, transport and telecommunication and space technology.

Suna said the the contracts, signed by presidents Bashir and Xi Jinping in the presence of the Chinese companies representatives, will see the latter advance several loans and inject funds into the Sudanese economy.

”We signed many contracts with the Chinese oil companies to expand our production and also prospect for natural gas in Block 8 which is in the middle of Sudan,’’ Mr Mahmooud was quoted as disclosing.

He further pointed out that Beijing and Khartoum signed a ports corporation agreement and an airbus aircraft sales deal.

War crimes

“There is another agreement to build a new free zone in Sudan and many industries,’’ he added.

President Bashir Tuesday attended the Chinese parade commemorating the end of World War II in Beijing in the company of his Chinese counterpart.

Several states and international organisations had expressed their opposition to China hosting the Sudanese leader, who is wanted by the International Criminal Court (ICC) for war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide in Darfur.

Sudan has for years supplied roughly seven per cent of China’s oil needs – the equivalent of the former’s half daily output – in exchange for financial and military support.

The proposed Chinese investments are expected to lessen the economic crisis that Sudan has endured for two decades, courtesy of the US sanctions.

The US strongly condemned China for hosting President Bashir and called on Beijing to respect its international obligations as a permanent member of the UN Security Council.

State Department spokesman Mark Toner said in statement on Tuesday that the ICC request for the arrest President Bashir still stands.

“We believe China, like any member of the Security Council, should weigh its concerns – or weigh the world’s concerns about President Bashir and the fact that he has an active warrant out for his arrest for war crimes,’’ said Mr Turner.