Category Archives: Africa – International

Somaliland drought a nightmare and security threat

Star (Kenya)

Mar. 22, 2017, 6:00 pm
An internally displaced Somali man rests as he flees from drought stricken regions in Lower Shabelle region before entering makeshift camps in Somalia’s capital Mogadishu, March 17, 2017. /REUTERS

Prolonged drought in Somaliland has killed between 65 and 80 per cent of the semi-autonomous region’s livestock, creating conditions that are “the worst time in our lives” and could threaten regional security, says the region’s environment minister.

With 70 per cent of Somaliland’s economy built around livestock, “you can imagine the desperation of the people, the desperation of the government,” said Shukri Ismail Bandare, the minister of rural development and environment.

“Pastoralists say this is the worst we have seen, a kind of nightmare,” she said. “They have 400 or 500 goats and then just 20 left. They have lost practically everything. I don’t know how they are still sane.”

Previous droughts have hit one area of Somaliland, but “now it’s five regions of the country. We’ve never seen it before”, she said in a telephone interview from Hargeisa, the capital, with the Thomson Reuters Foundation.

Across the Horn of Africa, millions have been hit by severe El Nino-related drought. In Somalia, 5.5 million people need assistance to survive over the next six months, UN Secretary General António Guterres said earlier this month.

Somaliland, a northern region of Somalia that operates autonomously after declaring independence, says it faces a particularly difficult time as its political status – it is not recognised as an independent nation – makes accessing aid more difficult.

“We are not getting bilateral or multilateral funds because we are not recognised,” Bandare said. “We are just working with the resources we have. It’s a drop in the ocean.”

Some “low” levels of international assistance are arriving, she said, but worsening drought has led to widespread migration in Somaliland, with herders flocking to the few remaining places with water.

Those villages and cities in turn are now overwhelmed by “thousands and thousands” of migrants, the minister said. “What they have is practically exhausted because of the pressure,” she said.

Read: World has months to stop starvation in Yemen, Somalia – Red Cross

Security risks

Experts fear growing migration and other social and financial stresses in Somaliland could undermine its role in preventing the spread of Islamic militant groups in the Horn of Africa.

“The displacement and dislocation due to the drought is not only a humanitarian disaster but threatens the social fabric of society,” said Michael Higgins of Independent Diplomat, a non-profit advisory group that works with Somaliland’s government to improve its diplomatic efforts.

That “could in turn disrupt security in the entire Horn of Africa region where Somaliland is acting as a buffer and bulwark against Islamic militants such as al Shabaab,” Higgins said.

Bandare said her government had little money to spend on emergency aid.

“Our resources are limited,” the minister said. “We spend a lot of money on peace and security because there are so many dynamics surrounding this country.”

Fortunately, “a lot of people understand the situation we are in, so we are optimistic” about receiving help, she said.

The drought already has forced Somaliland’s government to use money it had allocated for infrastructure and development spend on relief food and water, Bandare said.

“We were in a development stage, doing all kinds of infrastructure and really taking the country forward,” she said. “But now we are in an emergency.”

No water, no grazing

Poor rains since last year have left much of the semi-arid region’s grazing land barren. The country has virtually no irrigation, and no rivers or streams, Bandare said.

“The situation is getting worse by the day. It’s affected thousands and thousands of people,” she said. “And it affects our economy as a nation. The backbone of our economy was livestock.”

She said that climate change means that “drought is now coming every other year or every three years” in the region. “You can imagine the weight it has on our economy,” she said. “There’s no time to recover.”

Deforestation and widespread soil erosion have also contributed to the country’s rainfall problems, she said, noting that rain often now comes either all at once – producing floods – or not at all.

Efforts to harvest and store rainwater in Somaliland, including through a new African Water Facility project, are still in early stages, Bandare said.

Traditionally, spring rains have arrived the last week of March, but in many recent years they have come in late April. With a growing number of families now without access to water or food, delayed rains could mean a surge in loss of life, she said.

“If it doesn’t rain then we are in big, big trouble. Almost two million people are suffering now. Can you imagine if it affects the whole country” of 4.5 million, she asked.

South Africa – W Cape Assembly to debate Premier Zille’s colonialism comment


Date set for Zille legislature snap debate


Helen Zille. (File)

Helen Zille. (File)

Cape Town – The Western Cape legislature speaker has approved the ANC’s request for a snap debate on Premier Helen Zille’s views on colonialism.

The debate will be held next week Tuesday March 28 at 14:15 and will take precedence over the usual programme for the provincial legislature, in Wale Street, provincial government spokesperson Matthys Odendal said on Wednesday.

“The Speaker deemed this request to be of sufficient public importance to warrant a debate over and above the normal parliamentary programme,” he said.

ANC acting provincial chairperson and leader of the opposition in the legislature, Khaya Magaxa, wrote to Speaker Sharna Fernandez to ask for the urgent debate after Zille tweeted last week that not all aspects of colonialism were bad.

In an article she wrote for the Daily Maverick, Zille explained that the comments were in the context of a business trip to Singapore which had got her thinking about that country’s post-colonialism recovery.

What set her off was not being able to find the TV remote at OR Tambo International Airport’s protocol lounge while waiting for her flight to Cape Town, and a battle to find milk for her tea, given the apparent high standards of Singapore.

When the Twitter backlash started, she tweeted: “Getting onto an aeroplane now and won’t get onto the Wi-Fi so that I can cut off those who think EVERY aspect of colonial legacy was bad.”

DA leader Mmusi Maimane quickly tweeted:

“Let’s make this clear: Colonialism, like Apartheid, was a system of oppression and subjugation. It can never be justified.”

— Mmusi Maimane (@MmusiMaimane) March 16, 2017

Zille apologised for offence the tweet may have caused, but it was enough for the party to institute the first stages of possible disciplinary procedures.

On Saturday afternoon, the party will interview her and send a report to its federal executive, which will recommend whether a disciplinary panel should take it further.

The ANC welcomed Fernandez’s decision because it believed the DA turned a blind eye to what Zille did.

The ANC believed that if the DA continued protecting Zille, the party would be brought down.

UNHCR criticises Cameroon for forced return of Nigeria refugees


An aerial picture taken on February 14, 2017 at Monguno district of Borno State shows a camp for internally displaced people.AFP  Many returnees are ending up in camps in Borno state

The UN refugee agency has criticised Cameroon for the forced return of hundreds of refugees to north-east Nigeria after they had fled from the Islamist Boko Haram insurgency.

The UNHCR said forced returns had “continued unabated” despite an agreement earlier this month.

Under the deal, any returns would be voluntary and only “when conditions were conducive”.

Cameroon has rejected the accusation and said people returned willingly.

According to the UNHCR, more than 2,600 refugees have been forcibly returned to Nigeria from Cameroon this year.

Many are unable to go back to their villages in Borno state for security reasons and have ended up in camps for displaced people.

In some cases, the UNHCR said, people had been returned “without allowing them time to collect their belongings”.

UNHCR spokesman Babar Baloch spoke of “chaos” in the returns process and said “some women were forced to leave their young children behind in Cameroon, including a child less than three years old”.

Many of the returnees are now settled in the Banki camp for internally displaced people.

UNHCR staff also recorded about 17 people who claimed to be Cameroonian nationals, who it said had been deported by mistake to Banki.

Cameroon's army forces patrol near the village of Mabass, northern CameroonImage copyright AFP
Image caption Cameroon says Boko Haram militants have infiltrated, disguised as refugees

It is common in the region to find people who have no documentary proof of their nationality.

Cameroonian Communications Minister Issa Tchiroma told the BBC’s Focus on Africa programme: “I strongly deny this accusation” of forced returns.

He said the Cameroonian army had been working “hand-in-hand” with the Nigerian army against Boko Haram and any civilians who had returned to Nigeria had done so of their own accord.

“This repatriation has taken place willingly,” he said.

The Cameroonian authorities have previously said Boko Haram militants have been entering the country disguised as refugees.

Militants have carried out a number of attacks in northern Cameroon in recent years, often using suicide bombers.

The UNHCR said forced return constitutes a serious violation of the 1951 Refugee Convention and the 1969 OAU Convention, both of which Cameroon has ratified.

It called on Cameroon to honour its obligations under the conventions and continue keeping its borders open so as to allow access to territory and asylum procedures for people fleeing the Islamist insurgency.

Kenya – Mudavadi cagey as NASA talks stall

Daily Nation

Wednesday March 22 2017


Confusion reigned in the National Super Alliance (Nasa) opposition coalition on Tuesday as an important meeting scheduled by its principals failed to take place without an explanation.

Various sources in Nasa said the meeting could not take place in the absence of co-principals Kalonzo Musyoka (Wiper Democratic Movement) and Moses Wetang’ula (Ford-Kenya).

Mr Musyoka had told his colleagues immediately after the Kitengela rally on Sunday that he would fly to Dubai to attend a convention the following day and was expected back in the country today in time for the opposition rally scheduled for Friday in Nairobi.

Surprisingly, Mr Musyoka flew to Dubai only last night for “a short business” and was expected back on Thursday.


Mr Wetang’ula, it was understood, informed his co-principals Raila Odinga (ODM) and Musalia Mudavadi (Amani National Congress, ANC) that he would be attending the ongoing Legislative Summit on devolution in Mombasa.


On Tuesday, Mr Mudavadi, who was economical with details about the developments in Nasa, said the meeting would not take place due to engagements by key members of the coalition.

“Today (Tuesday), it is only the National Co-ordinating Committee that is meeting,” said Mr Mudavadi as he declined to respond to other questions. “We trust they will find the way forward as soon as possible.”

Mr Odinga, who had jetted back to the country from the US, was reportedly taking a rest at home. He was expected to preside over a youth convention by his party at Orange House but skipped the event, which had been billed by the ODM secretariat as “the biggest gathering of ODM youth aspirants” from all parts of the country.


The same invite to the youth event had indicated that the former Prime Minister was to meet Mr Mudavadi, Mr Musyoka and Mr Wetang’ula later in the day.
None of the meetings took place.

The co-ordinating committee, chaired by Senators James Orengo (Siaya, ODM) and Johnson Muthama (Machakos, Wiper) and has Members of Parliament Dr Eseli Simiyu (Tongaren, Ford-K) and John Bunyasi (Nambale, UDF) had faced challenges accomplishing their mandate due to hardline positions by some of the members.

The committee has, however, since made progress and was expected to conclude its work and hand over their report to the principals.

“It wasn’t going to be easy to convene a meeting when many of the principals were engaged elsewhere,” said Mr Odinga’s spokesman Dennis Onyango.

A Nasa rally that was planned in the city today also fell victim to the confusion and will now be held on Friday.

The co-ordinating committee has come up with various options for picking the joint presidential candidate for the coalition.

Sources say two main options would be used with majority of the members favouring consensus or a constituted electoral college.

The first option would see the four agreeing among themselves but, if they failed, the electoral college would be constituted to elect the candidate.

A technical committee whose members include Mr Dan Ameyo, Dr Adams Oloo, Mr Zein Abubakar and Mr Elisha Ongonya has presented the options to the co-ordinating committee.

The committee is also working on a secretariat that will steer its operations and run its affairs. Mr Norman Magaya has been temporarily retained as the Chief Executive Officer of the presidential secretariat.

“We are working on the technical team that will be unveiled to the public at the right time,” said Mr Orengo.

On Tuesday, it emerged that all was not well in the Nasa house with a section of leaders blaming their colleagues for leaking information from the proceedings of the co-ordinating committee in a bid to influence the choice of the presidential candidate.

The matter, it was understood, will be raised at the principals meeting to ensure that leaders who issue statements on the proceedings are stopped.

“Leaking of information is very dangerous because it is creating a particular perception in the minds of our supporters, a fact that is very dangerous,” said a source close to the principals. “Some people are leaking information on the working documents and they don’t realise what that is doing to the principals.”

Has the tide turned for South Africa’s rhino poaching crisis?

Talking Humanities

Prof Keith Somerville

Image: White rhino in Hluhluwe-Imfolozi Game Reserve, KwaZulu-Natal, South Africa

South Africa’s long-awaited statistical report on rhino poaching reveal a 10.3 per cent dip in the numbers illegally killed in 2016 compared to the previous year. However, the picture is far from straightforward, explains Professor Keith Somerville.  

On 27 February the South African Ministry for Environmental Affairs released the long-awaited rhino poaching statistics, which showed that nationally 121 less animals were poached in 2016 (1,054) compared with 2015 (1,175). But the figures also indicated what many feared, that there had been an increase in illegal killing for horn in areas outside Kruger National Park. 

Although the 2016 decline is to be welcomed, it still represents more than 5 per cent of South Africa’s total rhino population of around 20,000. The rise in poaching outside Kruger is a cause for great concern, as it suggests that poaching networks are spreading their operations across the country, and growing in sophistication and flexibility, as demand from Vietnam, China and other countries in East Asia shows no sign of falling.

Rhino poaching in South Africa

One problem is the diffuse nature of the poaching gangs. They include Mozambicans brought into the country and paid to poach – they are often armed with high-powered rifles imported for the Mozambican security forces and wildlife department that have been corruptly diverted to poaching gangs. But much of the poaching in South Africa involves gangs of Afrikaners, which include former vets, wildlife rangers, helicopter pilots, professional hunters and game farm owners.

A very worrying element in this complex web, is the suspected involvement of senior ANC members and even government ministers with known poachers. Recently state security minister David Mahlobo, was found to have close links with a self-confessed rhino horn smuggler, massage parlour owner and businessman, Guan Jiang Guang.  Mahlobo has denied being a friend of the Chinese businessmen even though Guan Jiang Guang claims such a friendship exists and an Al Jazeera documentary on rhino poaching shows the two together.

Save the Rhino and other conservation NGOs have welcomed the overall fall in South Africa, but are opposed to the South African government’s draft legislation which would allow a domestic trade in rhino horn to resume. The trade was suspended by a government-imposed moratorium in 2009, which was successfully challenged in the courts by private rhino owners.

Under the new law, the government’s hacked together response to the court decision, a foreign citizen visiting South Africa could get a permit to export a maximum of two rhinos per year (or their horns), meaning the already overstretched South African wildlife authorities would be required to police both a legal and illegal trade.

This has huge potential for laundering poached horns and for a new form of what was once called pseudo-hunting, when non-hunters from Vietnam and Thailand paid to shoot rhinos and export the ‘legal’ trophy. However, the proposed legislation seems to have few safeguards and many private rhino owners have welcomed the move. But it doesn’t address the many complex problems relating to whether creating a regulated, legal trade in horn from dehorned rhinos, legal stocks and horn from natural mortality would help to stop poaching by opening up a legal, alternative supply.

Rhino owners and some conservationists, like David Cook (formerly director of the Natal Parks Board, and Hluhluwe-Imfolozi senior ranger) and John Hanks (former director of WWF’s Africa programme), favour an internationally regulated, legal trade that would supply demand through the provision of non-lethal horn. Such a system needs strong safeguards and monitoring procedures that are neither in place nor addressed in the rushed draft legislation.

South Africa’s government has a reputation for corruption at the highest levels of the ruling party, ministries and state institutions (including the police), so the hasty creation of a poorly-monitored legal trade does not amount to a regulated, well thought-out means of destroying the monopoly of the smugglers, or of using a regulated trade in non-lethal horn to undercut the illegal trade, reduce poaching significantly and produce income for sustainable conservation. Falling between the two stools of a total ban and a properly-policed legal trade, the new legislation looks like a new rhino disaster waiting to happen.

Professor Keith Somerville is a senior research fellow at the Institute of Commonwealth Studies at the School of Advanced Study, University of London. He is also research associate at the Marjan Centre for the Study of War and the Non-Human Sphere at King’s College, London and a member of the Durrell Institute of Conservation and Ecology at the University of Kent. His latest publications are Ivory: Power and Poaching in Africa and Africa’s Long Road Since Independence: The Many Histories of a Continent.

UN warns that South Sudan is fastest growing refugee crisis

UN News Service

Refugees from South Sudan arrive in Elegu, northern Uganda Photo: UNHCR/Will Swanson

The number of South Sudanese fleeing their homes is “alarming,” the United Nations refugee agency today said, announcing that 1.6 million people have either been displaced or fled to neighbouring countries in the past eight months ago.

“A famine produced by the vicious combination of fighting and drought is now driving the world’s fastest growing refugee crisis,” the spokesperson for the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), Babar Baloch, told journalists at the Palais des Nations in Geneva.

He added that “the rate of new displacement is alarming, representing an impossible burden on a region that is significantly poorer and which is fast running short of resources to cope.”

Refugees from South Sudan are crossing the borders to the neighbouring countries. The majority of them go to Uganda where new arrivals spiked from 2,000 per day to 6,000 per day in February, and currently average more than 2,800 people per day.

“The situation is now critical,” said Mr. Baloch, warning that recent rains are making the humanitarian situation more difficult.

VIDEO: UNHCR spokesperson Babar Baloch warns that South Sudan is facing world’s fastest growing refugee crisis.

The UN agency is reiterating its calls for financial support. Aid for South Sudanese refugees is only eight per cent funded at $781.8 million, and UNHCR’s funding appeal for Uganda urgently needs $267 million.

The situation in Uganda is a “first and major test” of the commitments made at the Summit for Refugees and Migrants last September, the spokesperson said.

One of the main achievements of the Summit was to create a refugee response framework that integrates humanitarian and development efforts. This translates into giving refugees land and allowing them to access job markets, for example.

The situation of refugees in Uganda could impact how the UN and humanitarian partners are working to support national authorities in the other neighbouring countries – the Central African Republic, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Ethiopia, Kenya and Sudan.

“No neighbouring country is immune,” said Mr. Baloch.

‘Security situation continues to deteriorate’

Also today, the head of the UN peacekeeping mission in the country (UNMISS), David Shearer, warned that the security situation in the country is worsening, and national authorities are not taking action.

“The situation in South Sudan continues to deteriorate and generate profound human suffering for the population of that country – suffering in which local and ethnic divisions have been exploited for political ends,” David Shearer told a meeting of the African Union Peace and Security Council on South Sudan.

He added that the recent escalation of fighting in Equatoria– considered the food basket of South Sudan – has led to a significant displacement of civilians and disrupted food production for the country.

Intense fighting is also reported in the Upper Nile. Satellite imagery shows much of one town, Wau Shilluk, destroyed and deserted.

The senior UN official reiterated concerns about the humanitarian situation in the country, calling the ongoing crisis “entirely man-made.” An estimated 100,000 people are facing starvation and an additional one million are classified as being on the brink of famine.

Mr. Shearer, who is also the Special Representative of the Secretary-General in the country, urged access for humanitarian organisations and the UN mission.

News Tracker: past stories on this issue

UN aid chief urges global action as starvation, famine loom for 20 million across four countries

Nigeria – the Ile-Ife crisis shows a recurring ethnic problem for the country



Azuka Onwuka

The ethnic crisis that erupted in Ile-Ife, Osun State recently between the indigenes and the Hausa-Fulani community showed that there is a recurring problem that needs to be solved in Nigeria.

Many reports had it that the crisis started following a problem between a Hausa man and an Ife woman. The man was said to have molested the woman, leading to the intervention of her husband. From there, an ethnic crisis erupted with houses burnt and people killed.

Based on precedents, if the matter that caused the Ile-Ife crisis had occurred between a Yoruba man and a Yoruba woman, it would not have caused a crisis. If it had also occurred between a Hausa man and a Hausa woman, it would have ended in words and no loss of life. It would have been the same result if it was between two Efik people or Tiv people.

We can even stretch it a little and still get no crisis. If the misunderstanding had occurred between an Igbo man and a Yoruba woman, it would not have degenerated into bloodshed and vandalism. If it had happened between an Urhobo man and a Yoruba man, it would still have not resulted in deaths and destruction.

For decades Nigeria has believed that the best way to stop ethnic clashes is to sweep them under the carpet. The nation believes that citizens should not even discuss such matters. The nation believes that not talking about it will make it disappear and everything will be beautiful. But it continues to occur and claim lives, which the nation seems not to value.

After 103 years of amalgamation and 56 years of independence, one would have expected that Nigerians would have become well-integrated and interwoven as one people that tolerate and respect one another, but the reverse is the case. Things that would not have caused a problem between two ethnic groups 50 years ago cause mayhem today. Every ethnic group believes that the other wants to dominate it, and there is always this attitude of: “You can do that nonsense on your land but you can’t try it here on our land!”

Expectedly, the Minister of Interior, Abdulrahman Dambazau, acted like the ostrich by dismissing the ethnic dimension to the crisis and blaming it on miscreants and those who constitute themselves into a nuisance. He said: “It is very clear that this issue is not about crisis between the Hausa community and Yoruba community in Ile-Ife. The Hausa community has been living in Ile-Ife for close to 200 years. I understand the first settlers arrived there in 1820. This is about the fourth or fifth generation of the community and they have never experienced this kind of thing until now.

“So, it is not about ethnic issue. It is about a couple or bunch of people who constitute themselves to a nuisance to carry out this dastardly act and quite a number of them escaped from the community.”

There is a large community of non-Nigerians in different parts of Nigeria: Indians, Chinese, Koreans, Pakistanis, South Africans, Lebanese, Ghanaians, Liberians, Americans, Britons, etc. Some of these foreign nationals treat Nigerians that work for them in a despicable manner, with many Nigerians losing their lives through them. Has someone bothered to ask why these so-called miscreants never attack the foreigners, no matter the provocation?

The answer is simple. The first is that Nigerians respect and protect the foreigners in their midst. The second reason is that these foreigners are not seen as direct rivals in terms of political power, ethnic power and religious power. The third reason is that Nigerians know that if foreigners are attacked, their nations will not fold their arms over such an issue. But when the attack is between two Nigerian ethnic groups, nothing concrete will come out of it. Even the government will be the first to sweep it under the carpet, believing that it is dousing tension.

The Nigerian state has simply refused to have a clear-cut policy on ethnicity issues. When it suits those in power, ethnicity matters, but when it does not suit them, ethnicity does not matter. No sincere steps have been taken to turn our ethnic diversity into an advantage rather than a disadvantage.

Over the years, the Nigerian state has systematically accentuated the ethnic divide by its policies of divide and rule. It has treated equals unequally and unequals equally, thereby perpetrating injustice, creating dissatisfaction and promoting anger among the ethnic groups.

Thirdly, the Nigerian state has allowed her citizens killed for many decades by their fellow citizens without taking any concrete action to punish offenders and make it clear that such will not be condoned. So, whenever the least misunderstanding arises between the ethnic groups, especially between the north and the south, each side is eager to unleash bottled-up emotions on the other.

How has Rwanda tried to heal the wounds of the 1994 genocide and ensure there is no recurrence?  The number one thing Rwanda did was to ensure that justice was served and that there was reconciliation. Top people who incited the Hutus against the Tutsis were tried and sentenced. For the common folks who carried out the acts, the British Guardian report of April 3, 2014 (to mark the 20th anniversary of the genocide) said: “The majority (who were mostly living in rural areas, among those they killed) confessed and pleaded their case at special village courts called gacacas. With strong encouragement from the government, survivors across the country then accepted the perpetrators back into their communities.”

Rwanda also consciously embarked on national integration and orientation.  The Guardian put it this way: “Born in the years since the genocide, children are educated in schools that are strongly encouraged to desist from using potentially divisive labels. Pupils are discouraged from identifying themselves as Hutu or Tutsi and are instead asked to focus on building the future of a common Rwanda. To this end, in 2001, the government unveiled a new flag and national anthem.”

Describing how Rwanda fostered a sense of shared identity, Deustche Welle of April 4, 2015, published to commemorate the 21st anniversary of the genocide, wrote: “In the last decades, Rwandans have come a long way on the arduous road to reconciliation. One of the first things the new government did was to eliminate the reference to ethnicity in identification documents. From then on, the country’s inhabitants were all ‘Rwandans.’

“The practice of doing regular community work, which was grounded in the Rwandan tradition of ‘umuganda,’ was reintroduced not only as part of the effort to rebuild the country but as a way to foster a community spirit. Once a month, Rwandans are called upon to perform communal tasks such as building a house for the needy, laying a road or sweeping a square.”

In spite of its landlocked status and the terrible dent the genocide made on the nation, Rwanda has left its past behind and has become an exemplary African nation in the areas of peace, stability, literacy rate, women’s rights, good economy, etc.

Compare this to what obtains in Nigeria. Every form filled in Nigeria has spaces for “state of origin” and “religion”. If Nigeria were a nation that places any importance on data collection, one would conclude that these pieces of information are needed for the sake of creating accurate data base for national planning. But they are needed simply for the sake of labelling individuals in order to determine who should be given a job or a service.

Nations consciously create policies that promote national cohesion, peace and stability. The Nigerian state divides its citizens, discriminates against them and watches them repeatedly killed over frivolities without bringing perpetrators to justice. The result is the repeated crises we keep on having.

— Twitter @BranAzuka

Copyright PUNCH.